high fertility rests and that there has been an increased realization that reduction of infant and child mortality is a necessary precondition for acceptance of small family size norms in developing countries. (Chaudhury. (1982), p 125)

Effects of Infant Mortality on the fertility level:

There are five major mechanisms by which infant mortality may affect the fertility level. These are biological (involuntary) effect; replacement effect; insurance effect; societal effect; and dependency burden or ratio. How these effects of infant mortality influence fertility behaviour have been examined below.

Biological or psychological effect:

A woman after delivery of a child usually suffers from temporary sterility and this post partum sterility varies positively with the duration of breastfeeding. Probability of conceiving is very high for a woman who experiences an infant death. This is because breastfeeding is discontinued and ovulation is likely to resume sooner so that if contraception is not practised, an earlier pregnancy may be expected, keeping other factors constant. Therefore it appears that a decline in infant mortality would tend to widen inter-birth intervals and subsequently lead to a compensatory decline in fertility

Replacement Effect:

Parents may strive to have additional births in order to replace the actual death of a child or children. Therefore a decline in child mortality should lead to a direct decline in fertility because the need to replace children will occur less frequently. A complete replacement would imply among other things perfect contraception, specific reproductive goal no fecundity impairment and no other factors interfering with the reproductive process.

Insurance Effect:

In high mortality societies, parents may fear the loss of children given their personal experience with death in the family and community. They may therefore produce more children than they would otherwise in order to insure themselves against possible risks of child loss. As a result there may be overshooting in fertility resulting from an insurance motivation. Insurance effect operates in anticipation of perspective high child community mortality rather than in response to actual mortality

Societal or Community Effect:

All high mortality societies have developed a wide range of social, norms beliefs and practices which are either explicitly or implicitly designed to deal with the problem of child loss. One of the mechanisms for ensuring a high average level of fertility was the extended family system which removed many of the costs of marriage and child rearing t these norms and practices intended to cope with high mortality may be roughly divided into two groups (a) those designed to cope with infant death and those which promote high fertility as compensation for it.

Dependency Burden and Ratio:

Dependency ratio is often suggested as being the most important causal mechanism through which reduced infant mortality is related to reduced fertility. Economic pressure among parents and total resource increase as the number of surviving children rises. To find relief from this economic constraint parents resort to practicing contraception this in turn leads to reduction in fertility. However, the importance of dependency ratio as a mechanism for inducing parents to control fertility is over stressed. From the above discussion it appears that reduction of infant and child mortality may lead to reduction in fertility by means of increasing the duration of lactation amenorrhea, removing the desire for additional children to replace lost children and as insurance against future child loss and through evolving societal mechanisms promoting the small family size norm and restricting fertility to minimise dependency burden. (Chaudhury. (1982), 126-131)

Rural, Urban, Occupational and Educational Characteristics of Population and Infant and Child Mortality:

According to Kingsley Davis (1951) the population growth of India during the last century has been conditioned mainly by wide variations in death rate. The actual death rate cannot be calculated because the system of registration is grossly deficient. But independent sources of statistical evidence show that mortality in India has been declining, especially since 1920. Infant mortality has declined considerably during recent years but it is still high. A decline in mortality is accompanied by an increase in the expectancy of life at birth. In India therefore the expectancy of life at birth is continuously rising (A survey of Research in Sociology and Social Anthropology, Vol 1, 1974, p 10) The death rates in India began to decline after 1921 from above 40 per 1000 population to between 30- 40 during 1941- 51 and to even lower values after 1941. Independent scholars have estimated higher death rates of the order of 30 during 1941-51 and 24 per 1000 population during 1951-61. For the decades 1971-81 and 1981-91 the difference between the official and independent estimates shrinks to about 1 point per 1000 population. At the time of independence the infant mortality rates (IMR) in the country were around 230-40 per 1000 live births. Even during the decade 1951-61 for which the census used an estimate of 196, based on the National Sample Survey (NSS) conducted during 1957-58 in rural India, the actual level of IMR was probably between 180-250. More recent SRS based estimates of IMR have indicated a drop to about 72 during 1996-98 with 77 in rural India and 45 in urban India. (Oxford HandBook of Indian Sociology. 2004, p 61) Infant and child mortality rates are considerably higher in rural areas than in urban areas. In 2001-05, the infant mortality rate was 50 percent higher in rural areas (62) than in urban areas (42).

The rural-urban difference in mortality is especially large for children in the age interval 1- 4 years, for whom the rate in rural areas is twice as high as the rate in urban areas. In both the neonatal and post-neonatal periods, mortality in rural areas is about 50 percent higher than mortality in urban areas. Infant and child mortality rates have declined slightly faster in rural areas than in urban areas. Between 1991-95 and 2001-05, infant mortality declined by 27 percent in rural areas, compared with 21 percent in urban areas. During the same period, the child mortality rate declined by 45 percent in rural areas, compared with 40 percent in urban areas. Even in the neonatal period, the decline in mortality was slightly faster in rural areas (26 percent) than in urban areas (18 percent). According to these data’s of NFHS I, II and III, infant mortality is highest in Uttar Pradesh (73) and lowest in Kerala and Goa (15). High levels of infant and child mortality are found in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh in the central region, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh in the north-eastern region, Jharkhand, Odisha, and Bihar in the eastern region, and Rajasthan in the northern region. In contrast, all states in the southern and western regions have lower levels of infant and child mortality. Three states in the north-eastern region that have lower than average reported levels of neonatal mortality have higher than average rates of post neonatal and child mortality (Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, and Nagaland). (http://www.nfhsindia.org , 16 / 08 / 10)

Infant mortality rate (IMR) continues to be the highest in Odisha among all the states. The rate of decline in IMR has been rather slow and this is a cause for concern. According to the Orissa Human Development Report 2004 in the 16-year period between 1981–83 and 1995–97, infant mortality declined by 25 per cent, i.e. at the rate of about 1.6 per cent per annum. This is lower than the rate of decline in IMR in other low income states over the same period (Uttar Pradesh: 44 per cent, Bihar: 35 per cent, Madhya Pradesh: 28 per cent), as well as all-India (33 per cent). In the 1980s, the rate of decline was in fact lower. Between 1981–83 and 1990–92, IMR in Odisha declined by only 8.4 per cent as against 34.5 per cent in Bihar, 17.2 per cent in Madhya Pradesh, 2 per cent in Rajasthan, 35.1 per cent in Uttar Pradesh and 25.2 per cent for India (Government of India 1999). However, it should be pointed out that the rate of decline has been greater in the 1990s—nearly 2.5 per cent per annum. The relatively slow decline in IMR can be partly explained in terms of the relative decline in different components of infant mortality. Neonatal mortality (NNM) constituted 63.7 per cent of infant deaths. Within NNM, prenatal mortality constitutes 62 per cent of all neonatal deaths. Thus, prenatal deaths alone account for some 35 per cent of infant deaths. Post-neonatal deaths constitute only about 36.3 per cent of all infant deaths. The post-neonatal mortality rate of Odisha seems to have declined to a greater extent than the prenatal mortality rate, as suggested by the relevant data for Odisha and India (Sample Registration System (SRS); cited in Government of Odisha 2002c, p. 12).

In 1997, the difference in the post-neonatal mortality rate between Odisha and India was 20.7 per cent, while the same with respect to prenatal and neonatal mortality rates were 28.6 per cent and 26.9 per cent respectively. In fact, SRS data over a long period (1972–95) shows that while post neonatal mortality declined by 62 per cent during this period, neonatal mortality declined by only 33 per cent. The relatively slow pace of decline in IMR is important to note as the trend in infant and child mortality rates has a significant bearing on the trend in overall mortality rates. However, it is noteworthy that, as per the SRS data, IMR has come down to 91 in 2001 and further to 87 in 2002. This implies an average annual rate of decline of 5.2 per cent between 2000 and 2002. It may be pointed out that if this rate of decline continues, an IMR of 45 per thousand live births should be reachable by 2010. (Human development report. 2004, pp 67-96) Results from a sample registration system (SRS) survey conducted in 2005 show some successes in Odisha's battle against a high infant mortality rate. A sample registration system (SRS) survey released in 2005 reveals a 15-point decline in Odisha's infant mortality rate (IMR), between 1998 and 2003. According to the survey, neonatal mortality in the state fell from a dreadful 98 deaths for every 1,000 births in 1998 to 83 in 2003. The national IMR, however, dropped only 12 points in the same period -- from 72 in 1998 to 60 in 2003. The SRS survey notes that the decline registered in both rural and urban centres in Odisha was better than the national figures. An SRS bulletin explains that while rural Odisha registered a 15-point drop in IMR during the period, the national-level drop was 11 points. Similarly urban Odisha fared better than the national average, witnessing a decline of 15 points as against 12 points nationally. Access to basic healthcare facilities during pregnancy and after childbirth, routine immunisation and vaccination of pregnant women and an increase in institutional deliveries are some of the factors responsible for the reduction in Odisha's infant mortality rate. However, the survey shows that despite the decline Odisha continues to top the national IMR charts and is still 23 points ahead of the national average; states like Kerala, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh have a lower IMR than the national average. (http:// www.infochangeindia.org /children/news-scan/survey-reveals-decline-in-infant-mortality-rate-in-orissa.html, 18/10/12)

OBJECTIVE:

To examine the infant and child mortality rate among the Muslims of Odisha To evaluate the degree to which infant and child mortality affect fertility behaviour among the Muslims of cuttack district, Odisha

MATERIALS AND METHODS:

In the present study data has been collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, journals, articles, magazines and statistical data were referred to and primary data was collected with the help of unstructured interview schedules. Cuttack which is one of the largest city in Odisha has been chosen as the study area. The total population of Cuttack is 26,18,708 out of which 5% are Muslims. Out of the 14 blocks in cuttack district only 2 have been taken into account, namely Cuttack Sadar and Salepur. Moreover 6 villages have been studied namely Souri, Raisuguda and Nandol belonging to the Salepur block and Praharajpur, Parmahansa and Kandarpur belonging to the Cuttack Sadar block. The respondents were selected on the basis of purposive sampling. Thus on the basis of this sampling procedure the eligible couples among the Muslim religious group in the age group of 15-64 were chosen. The respondents were the female partners of the eligible couple. The total sample of the present study consisted of 250 respondents only.

Major Findings:

Table No.1 Distribution of mothers by the number of child deaths per mother in Cuttack district

Children dead (per mother)	Mothers with dead children
Children dead (per mother)	Number	Percentage
0	179	71.6
1	29	11.6
2	22	8.8
3	11	4.4
4	5	2
5	2	0.8
6	2	0.8
Total	250	100.00

The above data is quite suggestive of the fact that among the Muslims of Cuttack district child mortality is evident to some extent. This probably has some impact on their fertility behaviour to some extent. Out of the 250 mothers 71 (28.4%) have experienced their children’s death while 71.6% have not. Table No. 26 shows the distribution of 250 mothers by the number of child deaths per mother. This number ranges from one to six. Of the 250 mothers, 29 (11.6%) were those who had lost at least one child and 42 (14.8%) were those who had lost more than one child of their children born. In all, 717 children were born to 250 mothers. Of them 148 died. The 71 mothers who have experienced child mortality have lost an average of 2.08 children each. The death of 1 or 2 children is thus not unusual. With such a trend of mortality parents are rarely confident about the survival of all the children born to them. Graph no.1 shows the same details as represented in table no. 1.

TABLE No.2 Distribution of dead children by cause of death in Cuttack district.

Cause of Death	Children Dead
Cause of Death	Number	%
1.Major Physical Ailments:
Prolonged Fever	24	16.2
Typhoid	7	4.7
Diarrhoea and/or Vomiting	12	8.1
Maternal Mortality	5	3.4
Tetanus	8	5.4
Jaundice and Pneumonia	10	6.8
Accidents on road, burning, snake bite, drowning	6	4.1
2.Super-natural Inflictions
Small Pox	4	2.7
Measles	7	4.7
Chicken Pox	5	3.4
3 Minor Physical Ailments
Head-ache, boils, back-ache, etc.	11	7.4
4.No Reasons Assigned	31	20.9
5.Birth Related Accidents	18	12.2
6.Total	148	100

Disease is not only suffered, endured and treated but also explained and talked about (Patel ; 2006). When people were asked the cause of their children’s death, some of them are clearly the natural causes or bodily ailments, while others are believed to have been inflicted by spirits, witches, ghosts or demons in the form of diseases like small pox, measles, chicken pox etc. Most of the evil spirits, demons etc are believed to be harmful especially for children’s life and health. Such a belief is persistent mostly among the rural folk and the poor, uneducated mass.

Different kinds of ailments are reported by the respondents as the cause of death. For example, a very common ailment, fever is the cause of most deaths. It assumes dangerous connotations and is considered a major illness when it prolongs for a few months, as death results. On the other hand headache and boils are considered minor ailments. Death from such ailments is fever than those from prolonged fever.

There are around 31 deaths to which no reasons have been assigned. There are cases in which the child had died even before the parents were able to figure out the cause of illness. Again there are cases where parents were unable to mention the specific cause of death. Such cases were about 18 and in these cases the infants were either stillborn or died within a few hours of birth. Graph no.2 shows the same details as represented in table no.2.

Table No. 3: Distribution of the age of marriage of mothers by the number of child deaths per mother in Cuttack district

Age at Marriage	Total no. of Respondents	Mothers with dead children
Age at Marriage	Total no. of Respondents	Number	%
15-19	69	39	56.5
20-24	116	25	21.6
25 and above	65	7	10.8
Total	250	71	28.4

From the above figures it is evident that lower the age of marriage of the mothers greater is the risk of infant mortality. Infant mortality is found to be the highest in the age group 15-19. Since the girls married at such an early age are in the formative years of their reproductive growth they encounter problems in their pregnancy.

This mostly results in still births or infant death due to maternal issues. Having got married at an early age they also lack proper knowledge related to conception as well as bearing and rearing of children. These are the factors which may result in child loss and hence may be regarded as a factor in leading to more pregnancies to make up for the loss suffered. Infant mortality lowers with the higher age at marriage. It is found to be the least in the age group 25 and above. Graph no.3 shows the details represented in table no.3.

Table No.4: Distribution of education of mothers by the number of child deaths per mother in Cuttack district

Educational qualification	Total no. of Respondents	Mothers with dead children
Educational qualification	Total no. of Respondents	Number	%
Illiterate	69	29	42.02
Primary	53	18	34
Secondary	52	15	28.8
Higher secondary	12	2	16.6
Graduate	46	5	10.9
Above graduate	18	2	11.1
Total	250	71	28.4

Infant mortality is found to be the highest among the illiterate category. Infant mortality tends to lower with the attainment of higher level of education. Those who are illiterate are mostly those who belong to a lower class in terms of income and therefore lack better health and medical facilities as well as knowledge of the availability of such benefits. Therefore they suffer from the problem of child loss to a greater extent as compared to those who are educationally affluent and those belonging to a higher income class. But still cases of infant mortality were also found among the graduate and above graduate category of respondents although the percentage was quite lower. The reason assigned for this may be because of the fact that those belonging to such educational categories married at late ages which accounts to problems relating to conception mainly leading to still births. Graph no.4 shows the details represented in table no.4.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION:

In the present study it has been found that due to higher infant mortality rate prevalent among the Muslims of Cuttack District, the couples continued to be active in their reproductive behavior. This factor played an important role in resulting for higher fertility rate among the Muslims of Cuttack district. Out of 250 mothers interviewed, 71 of them had experienced child deaths. 229 of them were those who had lost at least one child and 42 of them were those who had lost more than one child of all their children born. Thus the death of one or two children is quite a common phenomenon for the Muslims of Cuttack district. For almost 20.9% of the child deaths no reason could be cited by the parents. Such cases were mainly found among the poor categories of people of the rural areas where medical facilities were not available. Moreover such sections of the people are mostly illiterate and ignorant and therefore were not able to make out the exact cause of death of their children. The other two vital reasons, causing the death of children were prolonged fever and birth related incidents, their percentage being 16.2% and 12.2% respectively. Henceforth in an intention to make up for the losses suffered and so as to achieve their ideal family size they remained active in their reproductive activity which eventually led to higher fertility. This again throws light on the fact that poor educational and economic standards of the Muslims of Cuttack district have an important bearing upon their total fertility rate. Moreover, it was also found that those respondents who were married at an early age, in the age group 15-19 had experienced the highest percentage of child deaths being 56.5 %. The reason attributed to this is that those girls who were married at an early age encountered maternal issues and they also lack the knowledge as well as the maturity regarding conception issues as well as the bearing and rearing of children. Therefore this throws light on the fact that religion has no connection with the higher fertility rate among the Muslims of Cuttack district.

REFERENCES:

1. Davis, Kingsley. The Theory of Change and Response in Modern Demographic History, Population Index, 29(4), pp 345-366, quoted in Chaudhury, R. H. (1982). Social aspects of fertility; with special reference to developing countries. New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. 1963.

2. Davis, Kingsley. ‘The World Demographic Transition’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol 237, pp 1-11, quoted in Chaudhury, R. H. (1982). Social aspects of fertility; with special reference to developing countries. New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. 1945.

3. Notestein, F. Population- The Long View, in Food for the World, edited by Theodore, W. Schultz. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, pp. 36-57, quoted in Chaudhury, R. H. (1982). Social aspects of fertility; with special reference to developing countries. New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. 1945.

4. Chaudhury, R. H. Social aspects of fertility; with special reference to developing countries. New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. 1982.

5. Davis, Kingsley. The Population of India and Pakistan. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, quoted in A survey of research in Sociology and Social Anthropology. (1974), edited by M.S.A. et al. Srinivas, M.N.; Rao, M.S.A.; Shah, A.M. Rao, Vol-I. 1951.

6. Survey Reveals decline in Infant Mortality Rate in Orissa. (2005) In Infochange children. Rretrieved from http://www.infochangeindia.org/children/news-scan/survey-reveals-decline-in-infant-mortality-rate-in-orissa.html on 18/10/12

7. Oxford HandBook of Indian Sociology.edited by Veena Das. Delhi, Oxford University Press. 2004.

8. Ministry of Health and family Welfare Government of India. (nd) National Family Health Survey (NFHS-I), 1992-93. Retrieved from. http://www.nfhsindia.org on 16 / 08 / 10

9. Ministry of Health and family Welfare Government of India. (2000). National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2), 1998-99. Retrieved from. http://www.nfhsindia.org on 16 / 08 / 10

10. Ministry of Health and family Welfare Government of India. (2007). National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3), 2005-06, India: Key Findings, Retrieved from http://www.nfhsindia.org on 16 / 08 / 10

11. Human Development Report. Health Condition, Chapter 4; 2004; pp 67-96

12. Patel, Tulsi. Fertility Behavior; Population and society in a Rajasthan village. New Delhi, Oxford share confidential information with competitors. Thus, it is very crucial and challenging for organizations to check both employee intentions to leave and their turnover. University Press. 2006.

Received on 14.04.2015

Modified on 28.04.2015

Accepted on 15.05.2015

Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 6(2): April-June, 2015, 138-144

DOI: 10.5958/2321-5828.2015.00019.4